When did the Dominicans Arrive in Tallinn? more

When did the Dominicans Arrive in Tallinn? Marek Tamm Introduction It is difficult to overestimate the significance of the Order of Preachers in the history of Estonia's Christianization. * It was the first religious order to establish a permanent foothold on the territory of Estonia and spent centuries conducting its mission work among the local population.1 The territory of Estonia is linked to the Dominicans by another important matter: before his death, the founder of the order, Saint Dominic (c. 1170-1221) wished to conduct a mission to the land of the Estonians. Although we have no specific information about the religious expedition that was planned in 1221, more re- cent studies allow us to regard the existence of this plan to be highly likely.2 Previous his- toriographic tradition has credited Dominic with plans to get involved with the baptism of the peoples on the eastern shores of the Baltic Sea as early as 1207 and/or 1217,3 but these claims have been rather convincingly refuted by now.4 A single preserved source text provides most of the evidence for Dominic's plans to set out on a mission crusade to the land of the Estonians. It is the letter from Pope Honorius III of May 6, 1221 to the Danish King Valdemar II, in which he suggests en- listing the help of the Dominican friars in converting the pagans.5 In addition to the * A few discussions of the history of the Dominicans in Tallinn have been written since the publication of the Estonian-language version of this article in 2001.1 have tried to include them in my references; I have made no changes to the main text. 1 Some of my earlier articles include more detailed discussions of the role of the Dominicans in the Christianiza- tion of Estonia: Marek Tamm, "Culture ecclesiastique et culture folklorique dans la Livonie medievale. Echos des exempla dans les contes populaires estoniens," Etudes finno-ougriennes 28 (Paris, 1996), pp. 18-46; Marek Tamm, "Exempla and Folklore: Popular Preaching in Medieval Estonia and Finland," Studies in Folklore and Popular Religion 3 (Tartu, 1999), pp. 169-183. 2 Simon Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dotmnic," Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum LXVIII (1998), pp. 72-83. 3 This claim has been promoted mainly by the renowned Dominican historian Marie-Humbert Vicaire. See Marie-Humbert Vicaire, Histoire de saint Dominique, vol. 1 (Paris, 1982), pp. 142-149. See also Jarl Gallen, La Province deDacie de I'Ordre des Freres Precheurs. I. Histoire generate jusqu'au Grande Schisme (Helsingfors, 1946), pp. 196-216; Jarl Gallen, "Les voyages de S. Dominique au Danemark. Essai de datation," in Raymundus Creytens, Pius Kiinzle, eds.,Xenia medii aevi historian! illustrantia oblata Thomae Kaeppeli O.P, (Roma, 1978), pp. 73-84. Following Vicaire's example, K. Elm ascribes the same plans to Dominic in his article: Kaspar Elm, "Christi Cultores et novelle Ecclesie plantatores. Der Anteil der Monche, Kanoniker und Mendikanten an der Chrstianisierung der Liven und dem Aufbau der Kirche von Livland," in Gli inizi del cristianesimo in Livo- nia-Lettonia. Pontificio Comitato di Scienza Storiche, Atti e Documenti 1 (Citta del Vaticano, 1989), pp. 162-163. 4 Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), pp. 47-66. 5 Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), p. 75: Cum dilecti filii fratrespredicatores expio quern ipsis dominus inspirauit affectu ad partes tuas accedant ut nomen euangelizant domini nostri Ihesu Christi gentibus et Christi ministrent fidelibus pabulum uerbi dei, eos regali mansuetudini duximus propensius commendandos. 35 SPECIAL ISSUE ON THE HISTORY OF ESTONIA pope's missive, information has been pre- served about Dominic's own concurrent let- ter to Valdemar II as well as the Archbishop of Lund, Andreas Sunesen. Unfortunately, the letter itself no longer exists, but the let- ter likely includes Dominic's discussion of his intention to personally participate in the planned missionary expedition against the pagans.6 Considering the fact that Valdemar II had organized a great crusade to northern Estonia in 1219, and that the Danes had been actively baptizing the Estonians in the early 1220s, it is extremely likely that they were hoping for the assistance of the Dominicans and St. Dominic in the Christianization of Estonian lands.7 Two other pieces of evidence provide in- direct proof of the planned missionary expe- dition and Dominic's wish to participate per- sonally. Dominic requested a personal letter of recommendation from Pope Honorius III on March 29, 1221, which he most probably hoped to use during his new mission crusade.8 We find more evidence of Dominic's wishes in the decisions of the Second General Chapter of the Order of Preachers held June 1221 in Bologna. At Dominic's initiative, the Chapter decided in favor of expanding the Order and made plans for the dispatch of friars to vari- ous parts of the world.9 However, Dominic's plans never came to fruition; they were cut short by the death of the order's founder on August 6, 1221. The first Preachers did not arrive in the land of the Estonians until years later, and at the initiative of a later papal legate - William, Bishop of Modena. The weighty role of William of Modena as an inspirer and supporter of the Domini- can mission in Livonia and Estonia is evident from many independent sources. William's interest in the Order of Preachers is far from incidental. From the 1210s onward, William was active in the Roman Curia, in which he was made papal vice-chancellor at the end of 1219 or beginning of 1220.10 It was in the papal Curia that the future legate met St. Dominic, during the latter's visit to Rome (1216-1217).11 According to evidence in two Dominican sources of that time, William and Dominic soon found common ground.12 The Cronica prior of Dominican friar Gerard de Frachet clearly describes William as "a very good friend of the Order [of Preachers] 6 This letter is mentioned by the anonymousHistoria Ordinis Praedicatorum inDacia (c. 1261, see below):^4««o autem domini 1221 celebratur secundum concilium generate Bononie a beato Dominico. Huic concilia interfuit dictus Salomon et de eodem misit eum beatus Dominic ad Waldemarum regem Dacie etAndream archiepiscopum Lundensem cum litteris dominipape etsuis. Simon Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic,"^4rc/jzVum Fratrum Praedicatorum, vol. LXVI (1996), p. 163. 7 I have described the Danish crusade in more detail in the article: Marek Tamm, "Le role des mission- naires nordiques dans la christianisation de PEstonie," in Marc Auchet, Annie Bourguignon, eds., Aspects d'une dynamique regionale: les pays nordiques dans le contexte de la Baltique (Nancy, 2001), pp. 121-132. See also Peter P. Rebane, "Denmark and the Baltic Crusade, 1150-1227," (PhD dissertation, Michigan State University, 1969); Peter P. Rebane, "Denmark, the Papacy and the Christianization of Estonia," in Gli inizi del cristianesimo in Livonia-Lettonia, pp. 171-201; Johan H. I.hid. Carsten Selch Jensen, Kurt Villads Jensen, Ane L. Bysted, Danske korstog: Krig og mission i 0sters0en, Kftbenhavn, 2004. 8 Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), pp. 73-74. 9 Ibidem, pp. 79-81. 10 The most detailed account of the activities of William of Modena can be found in the book: Gustav Adolf Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm von Sabina: Bishof von Modena 1222-1234: Pdbstlicher Legar in den nordischen Ldndern (fl251) (Helsingfors, 1929). More recent information about William's activities in the papal Curia are presented in the book: Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, Cardinali di Curia e familiae' cardinalizie dal 1227 al 1254, vol. 1 (Padova, 1972), pp. 188-190. 11 See Vladimir J. Koudelka, "Notes sur le cartulaire de S. Dominique," Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, vol. 28 (1958), pp. 97-100; Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), p. 65, which was not available to me. See also Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm von Sabina, p. 15. 12 Bartolomeo da Trento, Epilogus de vita sancti Dominici [ca. 1245], Ed. B. Altaner, Der hi. Dominikus, Unter- suchungen und Texte (Breslau, 1922), p. 235; Gerard de Frachet, Cronica prior [ca. 1260], ed. B. M. Reichert, in Monumenta Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica, vol. I (Louvain, 1896), p. 334. 36 Marek Tamm / When did the Dominicans Arrive in Tallinn? and the blessed Dominic."13 G. A. Donner has therefore assumed that it was Dominic who aroused William of Modena's interest in converting the pagans of the European north.14 Simon Tugwell, however, considers this conclusion to be highly unlikely, finding the opposite to be more logical: that it was William, with his sights already set on Prus- sia, who drew Dominic's attention to the vast pagan lands in the north.15 The assistance that William of Modena provided for the establishment of Domini- can convents in Prussia and Livonia was truly significant.16 At his initiative, several convents were established in Prussia: Danzig in 1227, Kulm in 1233, and Elbing in 1238.17 Source texts include direct references to William's role in founding the Riga convent in 1234.18 His contribution to the founding of the Or- der of Preachers in Tallinn is referred to in a single available source, which will be analyzed in this paper. Source text Information about the arrival of the Domini- cans in Tallinn can be gleaned from only a sin- gle available source, which has been preserved as a document copied from copies many times over. It is an anonymous written work about the early history of the Order of Preachers in Dacia Province,19 apparently compiled in 1261.20 We have no indication of who the au- thor might be. Based upon the chronicler's very detailed description of the Tallinn con- vent's founding, including a list of the names of all 12 friars, Danish historian Jarl Gallen presumes that the author must have had close ties to the Tallinn Dominicans.21 Bj0rn Hal- vorsen has more recently hypothesized that the compiler of the chronicle might be the Friar Daniel mentioned in the text itself, the convent's first prior, who drew the first part of his chronicle from some previous manu- script and/or oral tradition.22 de Frachet, Cronica prior, p. 334: amicissimus ordinis et beati Dominici ab initio familiaritate cum eo in curia pape contracta. Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm von Sabina, p. 17. Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), p. 66. For general information on the rapid spread of the Dominican order throughout Eastern and Northern Europe, see Jerzy Kloczowski, "The Mendicant Orders between the Baltic and Adriatic Seas in the Middle Ages," in La Pologne auXVe siecle. Congres internationale des sciences historiques a Bucarest (Wroclaw, 1980), pp. 95-110; Jerzy Kloczowski, "Les ordres mendiants en Europe de Centre-Est et du Nord," in L'Eglise et le peuple chretien dans les pays de I'Europe du Centre-est et du Nord (XLVe-XVe siecles) (Rome, 1990), pp. 187-200. Gertrud von Walther-Wittenheim, Die Dominikaner in Livland im Mittelalter: Die Natio Livoniae. Institutum Historicum FF. Praedicatorum Romae ad S. Sabinae. Dissertationes Historicae, fasc. IX (Roma, 1938), p. 6. Unfortunately, G. A. Donner (Donner, Kardinal Wilhelm von Sabina) does not dwell very long on William's contribution to the expansion of the Dominican Order (on the founding of the Tallinn Convent, see pp. 146-147). von Walther-Wittenheim, Die Dominikaner in Livland im Mittelalter, Anhang I, p. 135. Order of Preachers was divided into a number of semi-autonomous provinces, where the Nordic province of Dacia counted three Scandinavian kingdoms and their various duchies, e.g. Finland and north-western Estonia. In the Middle Ages, the term "Dacia" (Lat. Dacia) mainly denoted Danish areas. The origins of this error are not known, but its roots probably extend back into the Early Middle Ages. See Serban Papacostea, "Dakien, Daker," in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 4 (Miinchen und Zurich, 1989). This date has been proposed by S. Tugwell, based upon the fact that the document names only the first three prior-provincials of Dacia Province. Since the third prior-provincial, Absalon, died in 1261, it is likely that the document in question was penned immediately after Absalon's death, before any new prior-provincial had been selected. See Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1996), p. 161. See also Gallen, La province de Dacie, p. 3. Gallen, La Province de Dacie, p. 2. Bj0rn Halvorsen, "Les origines de l'Ordre des Freres Precheurs dans la Province de Dacie," text of a paper given at the conference dedicated to the 750th anniversary of St. Catherine's Convent in Tallinn on November 22, 1996, p. 7 (manuscript in author's possession). See also Bj0rn Halvorsen, Dominikus - En europeers livpa 1200-tallet (Oslo, 2002). 37 SPECIAL ISSUE ON THE HISTORY OF ESTONIA The chronicle is clearly divided into three sections. The first tells of the Domini- cans' arrival in the northern lands and of the establishment of the first convent in Lund. The second section provides a review of the Order's first three prior-provincials of Dacia province, and the third gives an account of the founding and re-founding of the Domini- can convent in Tallinn. The only manuscript of this chronicle was preserved in the old library of Copenhagen University until 1728, when it was destroyed by fire. The flames consumed not only the manuscript, but its later transcription, au- thored by the Danish royal archivist Thomas Bartholin (1659-1690). In a stroke of luck, a copy of Bartholin's transcription, in unidenti- fied handwriting, was found among a collec- tion of documents belonging to Jacob Lange- bek (1710-1775), first publisher of Scriptores Rerum Danicarum MediiAevi. This copy was first published in 1783 by Peter Frederik Suhm (1728-1798) in Volume 5 of Scriptores Rerum Danicarum Medii Aevi, who entitled the document Historia Ordinis Praedicatorum in Dania 1216-1246P When Martin Claren- tius Gertz (1844-1919) wanted to publish a new edition of the copy in Suhm's possession, he was unable to find it. However, Gertz was able to use a retelling by Hans Svaning (c. 1500-1584) of the manuscript that perished in the fire. Although he now had a second- hand and imprecise account, Gertz felt it unnecessary to take this into consideration, and published Suhm's previous edition once more, unfortunately adding a number of his own misleading parenthetic clauses.24 Of the supplementary materials found after publica- tion of Gertz's edition, the most noteworthy is the Scandia Illustrata of Johannes Messen- ius (1579/80-1636); its second volume (1621, published in Stockholm in 1700) includes a summary of the destroyed medieval manu- script. The value of transcriptions and summaries available to historians today is diminished by the fact that they are not based on the original manuscript, but rather a copy that probably originated in the fourteenth century. We can make this assumption based on the preserved notes of Bartholin's secretary Ami Magnus- son (1663-1730) regarding this manuscript.25 Therefore, when studying the early history of the Tallinn Dominican convent, we are forced to rely on the copy of a copy of a copy, which naturally does not enable us to draw any de- finitive conclusions. Until recently, historians have rather unanimously relied on Gertz's misleading edition. It was not until 1995 that Bj0rn Hal- vorsen made an attempt to publish a new edition of Historia based upon P. F. Suhm's publication of 1783, adding a few corrections of his own. Halvorsen also supplied that edi- tion of the chronicle with a French translation and detailed commentary.26 A new version based upon all existing transcriptions and retellings was published between 1996-1998 in the periodical Archi- vum Fratrum Praedicatorum by the Domini- can friar Simon Tugwell, director of the Ro- man Instituto Storico Domenicano. Tugwell published his edition in several sections; the segment concerning the founding of the Tallinn Dominican convent appeared in the journal's 1998 issue. A reproduction of it can be found in the appendix to this article.27 I am basing this study primarily on Tugwell's version and his interpretation, adding the English-language translation of the segment Scriptores Rerum Danicarum Medii Aevi, vol. V (Hauniae, 1784), p. 501. Scriptores Historiae Danicae Minores, vol. II, 1 (Copenhagen, 1918-1920), pp. 370-374. Ttogwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1996), p. 161. See also Gallen, La Province de Dacie, p. 3. Bj0rn Halvorsen, "Aux origines de l'Ordre des Precheurs dans les pays nordiques", Memoire dominicain, 6 (1995), pp. 249-265. Ttogwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), pp. 111-112. This version was also adopted by Halvorsen, Dominikus - En europeers livpa 1200-tallet, pp. 218-222. lonny G. G. lakobsen published his edition oiHistoria along with its translation into Danish on the Internet in 2007; see Jonny G. G. Jakobsen, "Historia ordinis predi- catorum in Dacia," http://www.jggj.dk/HOPD.htm (accessed 5/12/2008). 38 Marek Tamm / When did the Dominicans Arrive in Tallinn? of text that deals with the founding of the Tallinn convent, along with my own critical review of previous historiography. Translation of Historia History of the Order of Preachers in Dacia 1216-124628 The friars founded the Tallinn convent twice. First, at the request of the King of Denmark, the illustrious lord and ruler Valdemar, who subjugated the Estonians to his rule with the sword. The friars were dispatched to the great fortress of Tallinn in the year of our Lord 1229 [1239?], where they built church and other convent buildings on the north side of the for- tress by the moat. This all took place under the guidance of the venerable father, lord William, the Bishop ofModena, who was at that time the pontiff's nuncio and legate on the Danish and Swedish territories. And since the Estonians are coarse and uncultivated in their exercise of religion, with a tendency and inclination to the miserable rituals of infidelity, they are cruel and savage toward ecclesiastics, because they killed the first bishop along with his clerics; thus the friars, of whom a few stayed in place, had to return to the convents from which they came. The second time, friars from various con- vents were dispatched with the decision of the Ribe Provincial Chapter of 1246; their names are as follows: friar Brotherus and friar Jo- hannes Woxmoth of the Lund convent, friar Aaron de Randrus and friar Petrus Hartbo of the Viborg convent, friar Michael de Horsnes and friar Angelus of the Arhus convent, the Germans friar Engelbertus and friar Johan- nes of the Roskilde convent, and friar Johan- nes of the Vaster as convent, friar Astolphus of the Skanninge convent, and friar Daniel of the Visby convent. This friar Daniel had been the first prior in the fortress, and a regular prelate among the friars.29 Discussion When dealing with Historia, separate consid- eration must be given to three main sets of problems: the year in which the Dominican friars came to Tallinn, the initial location of the convent church and buildings, and the reason and date of the friars' departure. His- toriographic tradition until this time has been relatively unanimous with regard to the first two problems: 1229 is accepted as the year of the convent's founding, and the convent is thought to have been located at the site of the current St. Mary's Cathedral. There is more disagreement on the topic of the forced departure of the friars. However, it has been generally agreed from G. von Walther-Wit- tenheim onward that the Dominicans left af- ter the bloody conflict that erupted between the vassals and the Brothers of the Sword in 1233. In this article, I will address the first and last problem in more detail. Since no new ar- chaeological data has become available, we must hold with prior conclusions about the location of the Dominicans' convent build- ing. It has been found that the Dominicans' first church once stood where St. Mary's Ca- thedral stands today, and that the side walls of the Cathedral's choir loft still include remnants of the old priory church (the side Tiina Kala has translated this text into Estonian for the magazine Kiriku Elu 1 [160], (1997), pp. 28-29. A newer translated segment can be found in her article: Tiina Kala, "Tallinna tekkeloo peegeldumine kirjalikes allikates" [Reflections of the Creation of Tallinn in Written Sources], in Keskus, tagamaa, ddreala. Uurimusi asiistushierarhia ja vdimukeskuste kujunemisest Eestis [Center, Hinterland, Borderlands. Studies on the Develop- ment of Settlement Hierarchy and Centers of Power in Estonia] (Tallinn-Tartu, 2002), p. 397. It is not impossible to interpret the last sentence differently: "This Brother Daniel was the first prior in the fortress and a regular prelate among the friars" (Istefrater Daniel in castrofuit primus prior et prelatus ordinarius interfratres). Tiina Kala directed my attention to this possible interpretation. Special emphasis on the fortress (castrum) does seem to imply that Daniel was already carrying out the duties of prior during the first mission expedition to Tallinn (with which all the historiography to date concurs). 39 SPECIAL ISSUE ON THE HISTORY OF ESTONIA walls of the choir loft, and a small part of the southern and western walls, which were later expanded).30 The Founding of the Tallinn Convent As stated above, Historia's claim that the Do- minicans first arrived in Tallinn in 1229 has enjoyed relatively unanimous acceptance. This date was unquestioningly accepted by the first scholars of the history of the Tallinn Dominicans31; it was confirmed by G. von Walther-Wittenheim32, and with the support of various arguments has been embraced in even the most recent writings of foreign and domestic authors.33 It is highly problematical to reconcile 1229 as the date of this event with the su- premacy of the Brothers of the Sword in Tallinn between 1227 and 1238. How could it be that the Order of the Brothers of the Sword, who had forcibly seized power from the Danes in the summer of 1227 and ex- pelled many Danish clerics from the town34 now agreed to let Danish Dominican friars settle on Castle Hill at the behest of the Danish king (as emphasized in Historia), a mere two years after seizing power from the Danes? Many different and downright contra- dictory explanations for this situation have emerged through the years. The search for an explanation is made even more difficult by historiography's firmly established acceptance of the assumption that it was the Brothers of the Sword who drove the Dominicans out of Castle Hill a few years later (1233). Earlier Baltic German historical studies did not dwell on this dilemma, limiting their description of the event with the simple statement that it was the Brothers of the Sword who drove the Dominicans out of town (without asking why the Dominicans had been allowed onto Castle Hill in the first place).35 In 1938, von Walther-Wittenheim proposed his own expla- nation, postulating that the Danes continued to maintain a presence on Castle Hill even af- 30 Gotthard von Hansen, Die Kirchen und ehemaligen Kloster Revals, Reval, 1873, p. 64; Eugen von Nottbeck, WilhelmNeumann, Geschichte und Kunstdenkmciler der Stadt Reval,\o\. 2(Reval, 1904), p. 124; StenKarling, Zur Baugeschichte der Domkirche zu Tallinn (Tartu, 1937), p. 238; Villem Raam, "Die Domkirche zu Tallinn und ihre baugeschichtliche Bedeutung," Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 31A (1967), pp. 74-77. 31 See, for instance, von Hansen, Die Kirchen und ehemaligen Kloster Revals, p. 64; La Baronne de Wedel- Jarlsberg, Une Page de I'Histoire des Freres-Precheurs: La Province de Dacia (Danemark, Suede et Norvege) (Rome-Tour- nai, 1899), p. 135; von Nottbeck, Neumann, Geschichte und Kunstdenkmciler, vol. 2, p. 124; Berthold Altaner, Die Dominikanermissionen des 13. Jahrhunderts. Forschungen zur Geschihcte der kirchlichen Unionen und der Mohammedaner- und Heidenmission des Mittelalters (Habelschwert, 1924), p. 189; Ernst Kiihnert, "Das Dominikanerkloster zu Reval", Beitrage zurKunde Estlands 12 (1925), pp. 7, 11. 32 von Walther-Wittenheim, Die Dominikaner in Livland im Mittelalter, pp. 8-12. 33 See, for instance, Elm, "Christi Cultores et novelle Ecclesie plantatores," p. 163; Christoph T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, 1994), p. 47, ref. 84; Halvorsen, "Aux origines de l'Ordre des Precheurs," p. 263 (with some hesitation, referring to Gallen's alternative explanation); Halvorsen, "Les origines de l'Ordre des Freres Precheurs dans la Prov- ince de Dacie," pp. 22-23. Among Estonian historians, Tiina Kala and Anneli Randla, who have studied Dominican history in the most detail, also concur with the traditionally accepted date. See e.g. Tiina Kala, Ristikiriku tulek Eestisse. Ndituse kataloog [The Arrival of the Christian Church in Estonia. Exhibit Catalog] (Tallinn, 1997), pp. 29-30; Tiina Kala, "Vana-Liivimaa ja ristiusustamine" [Old Livonia and Christianiza- tion], in S. Rutiku, R. Staats, eds., Estland, Lettland und Westlisches Christentum: Estnish-Deutsche Beitrage zur baltischen Geschichte (Kiel, 1998), p. 51; Anneli Randla, "Dominiiklased Vana-Liivimaal: linnastumisest ja arhitektuurist" [Dominicans in Old Livonia: On Urbanization and Architecture], in Kunstiteaduslikke uurimusi, vol. 9 (Tallinn, 1998), pp. 8-9; Anneli Randla, "The Architecture of the Mendicant Orders in Northern Europe. A Comparative Study of Scotland, the Northern Netherlands and Livonia," (PhD dis- sertation, Cambridge, 1998, vol. 1), pp. 85-86, 92, 227. 34 See ref. 39. 35 See, for instance, Gotthard von Hansen, Die Kirchen und ehemaligen Kloster Revals, Dritte vermehrte Auflage (Reval, 1885), p. 115; von Nottbeck, Neumann, Geschichte und Kunstdenkmciler, vol. 2, p. 124. 40 Marek Tamm / When did the Dominicans Arrive in Tallinn? ter the transfer of power, and that significant conflict between the Danes and the Brothers of the Sword did not erupt until 1233, when the papal vice-legate Baldwin of Alna tried to bring Castle Hill under the pope's author- ity, resulting in a battle between the Brothers and the pope's vassals.36 Others have later re- ferred to this same explanation, emphasizing that only part of Castle Hill was under the di- rect control of the Brothers of the Sword.37 In contrast, German historian Friedrich Benninghoven sees an affirmation of the peaceful and positive relations between the Brothers of the Sword and the Danish clergy in the Dominican's settlement on Castle Hill in 1229.38 However, this claim is entirely in- compatible with the Sword Brothers' expres- sions of antagonism against Wescelin, the Danish Bishop of Tallinn and other Danish clergy after the Order of the Brothers of the Sword established its authority in the town.39 The first to cast doubt on the year 1229 was Danish Dominican historian Jarl Gal- len in his study of the history of the Order of Preachers in Dacia Province, published in 1946. Gallen considers it highly unlike- ly that the Dominicans landed after 1227, when the Brothers of the Sword had al- ready taken possession of the town. Thus, in Gallen's opinion, the Dominicans would have had to arrive in Tallinn before 1227. He assumes that William of Modena might have taken the necessary steps toward the establishment of a Dominican convent even during his first trip to Livonia and Estonia in 1225-1226.40 However, there are many facts that con- tradict Gallen's assumptions. First, it is very surprising that William's plans are not mentioned at all by the chronicler Henry of Livonia, who otherwise describes the first trip of the papal legate in detail.41 Second, it is hardly credible that the Lund Dominican convent, just established around 1223, would have been able to organize the founding of a daughter convent in such a faraway region a mere couple of years later. And finally, we must remember that Historia associates the founding of the convent with a "small fortress" (castrum minus), which undoubt- edly refers to the stone fortress founded by von Walther-Wittenheim, Die Dominikaner in Livland im Mittelalter, pp. 9-11. Walther-Wittenheim's inter- pretation has also been adopted in later Estonian historical writings, see for instance Elfriede Tool-Marran, Tallinna Dominiiklaste klooster [The Dominican Convent in Tallinn] (Tallinn, 1971), pp. 18-19, and the works of T. Kala and A. Randla referenced above. See, for instance Kala, Ristikiriku tulek Eestisse, p. 30. Friedrich Benninghoven, Der Orden der Schwertbriider: Fratres Milicie Christi deLivonia (Cologne, Graz, 1965), p. 250. Our chief source on the seizure of power in Tallinn by the Order of the Knights of the Sword and the persecu- tion of Danish clergy is the Citation of Pope Gregory IX against Nicholas, the Bishop of Riga, and the Order of the Knights of the Sword, dated November 20, 1234, which lists dozens of acts of injustice and violence in Livonia and Estonia, including hostile actions by the Order of the Knights of the Sword in Tallinn. The Cita- tion was most likely written based upon information received from Baldwin of Alna, the papal vice-legate of that time. See Hermann Hildebrand, Livonica, vorndmlich ans dem 13. Jahrhundert, im Vatikanischen Archiv (Reval, 1887), no. 21, § 14-17, pp. 42-43. It must be noted that most probably the Brothers of the Sword did not actually expel Wescelin, the Bishop of Tallinn, from the town, but simply prohibited him from returning. Sources indicate that Wescelin was in Riga in March 1226 (Friedrich Georg von Bunge, ed., Liv-, Esth- und Curldndisches Urkundenbuch [=LECUB], vol. 1 (Reval, 1853), no. 81, col. 97) and in Heisterbach in January and February of 1227 (see Friedrich Georg von Bunge, Livland, die Wiege der Deutschen Weihbishdfe (Leipzig, 1875), p. 34). We have no information about him in subsequent years. We see in the February 3, 1232 letter from Pope Gregory IX to Baldwin of Ana that Tallinn was among the places in which the bishop's chair was vacant or the bishop was away from his domain (vacant vel eorum episcopi [s]unt absentes) at that time; see LECUB, vol. 1, no. 118, col. 155. Not until September 1240 did Danish king Valdemar II appoint Torchill to succeed Bishop Wescelin (LECUB, vol. 1, no. 166, col. 215). Gallen, La Province de Dacie, pp. 46-47. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, XXIX, 2-8; XXX, 1-2, ed. Leonid Arbusow, Albert Bauer, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae Historicis separatim editi (Hannover, 1955). 41 SPECIAL ISSUE ON THE HISTORY OF ESTONIA the Brothers of the Sword between 1227 and 1229.42 A new attempt to shed light on the arriv- al of the Dominicans in Tallinn was recently made by Simon Tugwell; using historical and source-critical arguments he concludes that the Dominicans most probably did not ar- rive in Tallinn in 1229, but in 1239.43 Tugwell finds it highly conceivable that in the process of copying and re-copying the Historia, the founding date of MCCXXXIX recorded in the original manuscript was at some point miscopied as MCCXXIX. If this is the case, the arrival of the Dominicans would fall into a much more logical historical context, co- inciding with the re-establishment of Danish superiority in Tallinn (1238)44 and the second period of William of Modena's service as leg- ate in Livonia and the surrounding regions. Also, Tugwell refutes a possible counterclaim that enough time had passed from Valdemar IPs military expedition of 1219, prominently described in Historia, to make such empha- sis on the event seem logical. Actually, the Danish conquest of 1219 remains a pertinent event, because the Bull that Pope Honorius III issued (October 9, 1218) for this military campaign, which allowed Denmark to keep all the territories that they conquered45, be- came Valdemar IPs main legal argument for demanding the return of northern Estonian territories from the Order of the Broth- ers of the Sword (since 1237, the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order). According to Tugwell's explanation, the Dominicans established themselves Tallinn in 1239, and immediately began missionary work among the native population in the surrounding areas (and not limiting themselves to resi- dents of the town). After encountering the resistance of the local population, most of the friars felt it wiser to return home after a year or two. Departure of the Dominicans from Tallinn If we accept Tugwell's hypothesis, which states that the Dominicans arrived in Tallinn in 1239, it is irreconcilable with the hitherto existing description of the forced departure of the preaching friars from Castle Hill. Tra- ditionally, historians have seen the hand of the Brothers of the Sword in the flight of the Dominicans. Earlier historiography saw no need to expound on the background of the conflict between the Order of Preachers and the Order of Brothers, but since the work of von Walther-Wittenheim, the forced flight of the Dominicans has been associated with the bloody conflict between the Brothers of the Sword and the vassals supporting the papal legate, Baldwin of Alna. The only (albeit se- rious flaw) in this inherently logical conclu- sion is the fact that it lacks support from any sources: our only informant on the departure of the Dominicans, i.e. the anonymous author otHistoria, clearly states that the Dominicans returned to their homeland to escape the brutality and savagery of the Estonians, with no mention of any role that may have been Pope Gregory IX's previously mentioned Citation of November 20, 1234 mentions the fortress established by the Brothers of the Sword (Hildebrand, Livonica, no. 21, § 15, pp. 42-43). In the last quarter of the 14* century, Hermann Wartberge writes of the "little fortress" established by the Brothers of the Sword in his "Livonian Chronicle", see Hermanni de Wartberge Chronicon Livoniae, ed. Ernst Streheke, Separatabdruck ans dem zweiten Bande der Scriptores Rerum Prussicarum (Leipzig, 1863), p. 21. l\igwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), pp. 112-116. More recently, the likelihood of this theory has been supported by Tiina Kala; see Kala, "Tallinna tekkeloo peegeldumine kirjalikes allikates," p. 397; Tiina Kala, "Vend Lucas, dominiiklane" [Brother Lucas, Dominican], in T Kala, J. Kreem, A. Mand,Kiimme keskaegset tallinlast [Ten from Medieval Tallinn] (Tallinn, 2006), p. 183. According to the Treaty of Stensby entered into by Danish king Valdemar II and the Livonian Order Master Hermann Balke on June 7,1238, Tallinn, along with Revala, Harju, Viru and Jarva, were returned to Denmark, with the latter region finally being relinquished to the Order of the Brothers of the Sword. Three Dominican friars are among the witnesses to the signing of the treaty. SeeLECUB, vol. 1, no. 160, col. 205-208. LECUB, vol. 3 (Reval, 1857), no. 46a. 42 Marek Tamm / When did the Dominicans Arrive in Tallinn? played by the Brothers of the Sword.46 There is another problem involved with the Dominicans' departure. Namely, the text otHistoria has traditionally been interpreted as stating that the primary reason for the fri- ars' departure was the murder of the "first bishop" {primus episcopus). In his new edition otHistoria, Simon Tugwe 11 justifiably calls our attention to the vagueness in this segment of text, especially as it concerns the connection between the departure of the Dominicans and the murder of the "first bishop." Previous editors otHistoria have seen a direct relation- ship between these two events. And yet, this is historically very questionable, because the "first bishop" referred to here could only be Theoderic, Bishop of Estonia, who met his unfortunate end at the hands of the Estoni- ans during the Danish military campaign of 1219, probably killed after being mistaken for Valdemar II.47 Therefore, it is more likely that the anonymous chronicler is mentioning the murder of Theoderic as an example of the Estonians' "brutality and savagery against ecclesiastics" rather than as a direct cause of the friars' departure. Based upon this hypothesis, Tugwell cor- rects the Historia's version by Suhm48 that was based on Hans Svaning's transcription. Tugwell restores verb erant to follow the word crudeles in line 10, and replacing the unneces- sary conjunction unde (a possible transcrip- tion error) in line 12 with inde in the new interpretation and changing the punctua- tion, which allows the entire segment to be interpreted as follows: the main sentence begins with the words Sed quia; crudeles er- ant introduces the subordinate clause, which in turn is followed by the parenthetic clause nam primum..., after which the main sen- tence continues with the words inde redire.49 In this form, the sentence is logical and easy to understand, and tells us that the murder of the bishop is nothing more than a graphic reference to a (past) evidence of the Esto- nian savagery that drove the Dominicans to leave. Following Tugwell's argument, it would thus be logical to remain true to the evidence found in Historia and to attribute the flight of the Dominicans to the resistance of the na- tive population. Although we have no specific information about any concerted actions or savagery by the Estonians during the period in question (1239-1240), it is highly likely that the Dominican mission found itself up against the recalcitrance of the people living in the region around Tallinn (the "savagery and cruelty" of the Estonians as described in the Historia can be considered an exaggera- tion characteristic of medieval chronicles), because the population was unaccustomed to this strange and foreign way of missioniz- ing, and furthermore, many undoubtedly still remembered the Danish crusade in 1219 and the battle of Tallinn. Tiina Kala has assumed that "we may also be dealing with an inadequate description in the chronicles, and the Estonians may have simply participated on the side of the Brothers of the Sword at the battle between the vassals and the Brothers of the Sword." See Tiina Kala, "Vana-Liivimaa neofiiiidid ja nende naabrid ka- toliiklike ristiusustajate pilgu labi" [Neophytes of Old Livonia and Their Neighbors Through the Eyes of the Christianizers], Kleio. Ajaloo ajakiri 2 (20) (1997), p. 4. This is a fully plausible explanation which is, however, based on assumptions that can be neither confirmed nor denied. Considering the political context of that time, it seems unlikely that the Estonians would take the side of the Brothers of the Sword in conflict. Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae, XXIII, 2. See also Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), pp. 115-116. (von Walther-Wittenheim, Die Dominikaner in Livland im Mittelalter, p. 9) searches in vain for information about a bishop killed in 1233, which would confirm his hypothesis about the departure of the Dominicans as a result of the conflict between the Order of the Brothers of the Sword and the vassals. To support a better understanding of the following analysis, the section of Suhm's version under discussion is given here: Sed quia Estones in operibus fidei rudest et inculti ad miserabiles ritus infidelitatisproni etproclivi, crudeles contra personas Ecclesiasticas atque saevi. Nam primum Episcopum cum suis Clericis occiderunt, unde redire fratres ad conventus, de quibus assumptifuerant, paucis remanentibus, sunt compulsi. See Scriptores rerum danicarum medii aevi, p. 501. Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," (1998), pp. 114-115. 43 SPECIAL ISSUE ON THE HISTORY OF ESTONIA Summary Regardless of whether we prefer 1229 or 1239 as the year in which the Dominicans ar- rived in Tallinn, it is unequivocally clear that the first mission of the Order of Preachers on Estonian territory failed, and the friars did not succeed in establishing a firm footing in Estonia until after the new dispatch deci- sion issued by the Ribe Provincial Chapter in 1246. Concurring with Jarl Gallen's as- sumption, it is likely that the Dominicans did not arrive in Tallinn until a few years later, i.e. around 1248.50 The friars established themselves at Castle Hill once again, and if we believe Historia, it is possible that they were greeted by a few companions from their order who had been left behind from the previous time. However, this is not very likely, since the chronicler lists the names of 12 friars, the minimum number required for the establishment of a convent, indicat- ing that they were not anticipating any as- sistance to be waiting for them on site. It is highly likely that the Dominicans moved into their former site on Castle Hill; a permanent convent building was not established in the lower town until probably between 1262 and 1264.51 If we accept the founding year proposed by Simon Tugwell (1239), it does mean that we must relinquish the honor of having Tallinn as the location of the first Dominican convent to Riga, where a convent for the Or- der of Preachers was established at William of Modena's initiative in 1234, as mentioned earlier.52 This, however, does not in any way diminish the significance of the Dominican mission of the subsequent centuries in Tallinn and other regions of Estonia.53 Appendix Historia Ordinis Praedicatomm in Dania. Ed. S. Tugwell, "Notes on the life of St. Dominic," Archivum Fratrum Praedicatomm, Vol. LXVIII, 1998, pp. 111-112. Conuentus Reualiensis per fratres duabus uicibus est receptus. Primo ad petitionis instantiam illustris principis domini Waldemari, regis Daciae, qui per gladium Estones suo ducatui subiugauerat, missi sunt fratres ad maius castrum Reualiense anno Domini 5 MCCXX<X>IX, ubi meta fossata ad aquilonem castri minoris ecclesiam ac alias domos monasterii construxerunt. Hec omnia Gallen, La Province de Dacie, p. 51. See also Halvorsen, "Aux origines de l'Ordre des Precheurs," p. 263. This assumption is based upon confirmation of two royal privileges. When Queen Margaret approved the Dominicans' right to their site and the use of pastures and grasslands in 1262, she does not specify the town as the location of the friars, and makes no mention at all of convent buildings (LECUB, vol. 1, no. 370, col. 472-473). In King Erik's approval of privileges in 1264, this time not directed only to Castle Hill, makes direct mention of the Domincan convent (claustrum), which may have just then been newly founded (LECUB, vol. 1, no. 382, col. 486). See von Walther-Wittenheim, Die Dominikaner in Livland im Mittelalter, pp. 10-11. See ref. 18. It must be noted that the year of the founding of the Riga convent is not 100% certain, since a slightly later source, a list of Dominican convents in the Province of Saxony, notes the date of the Riga convent's found- ing as 1244. However, this is contradicted by the fact that sources mention the presence of the Dominicans in Riga as early as 1238. See von Walther-Wittenheim, Die Dominikaner inLivlan dim Mittelalter, pp. 7-8, ref. 13. On Estonian territory before the Reformation, the Dominicans succeeded in establishing their convents not only in Tallinn, but also in Tartu (ca. 1300) and Narva (ca. 1520); plans for the construction of a convent in Parnu fell through due to resistance from town authorities. See von Walther-Wittenheim, Die Dominikaner in Livland im Mittelalter, pp. 10 ff; Tamm, "Culture ecclesiastique et culture folklorique," pp. 46-47; Randla, "The Architecture of the Mendicant Orders in Northern Europe," pp. 85-92. 44 Marek Tamm / When did the Dominicans Arrive in Tallinn? facta sunt de consilio uenerabilis patris domini Williami Mutinensis episcopi, tunc temporis in partibus Dacie et Suecie summi pontificis nuncii et legati. Sed quia Estones in operibus fidei rudes et inculti, 10 ad miserabiles ritus infidelitatis proni et procliui, crudeles erant contra personas ecclesiasticas atque seui, nam primum episcopum cum suis clericis occiderunt, inde redire fratres ad conuentus de quibus assumpti fuerant, paucis remanentibus, sunt compulsi. Secundo anno Domini MCCXLVI missi sunt fratres de diuersis 15 conuentibus in Reualiam per capitulum prouinciale Ripis celebratum, quorum hec sunt nomina: frater Brotherus et frater Iohannes Woxmoth de conuentu Lundensi, frater Aaron de Randrus et frater Petrus Hartbo de conuentu Wibergensi, frater Michael de Horsnes et frater Angelus de conuentu Arosiensi, frater Engelbertus 20 et frater Iohannes Theo<to>nici de conuentu Roschildensi, frater Paulus de conuentu Siktunensi, et frater Iohannes de conuentu Insulensi, frater Astolphus de conuentu Skeniensi, et frater Daniel de conuentu Wisbycensi. Ister frater Daniel in Castro fuit primus prior et prelatus ordinarius inter fratres. Marek Tamm (1973) Master's Degree (1999). Coordinator of Cultural Theory Faculty, Estonian Institute of Humanities. Research topics: History of Estonia and Europe in the 12th and 13th centuries; theory and philosophy of history. marek.tamm@varrak.ee 45